Disappearances

In many countries and continents around the world, as well as in Kurdistan, "disappearances" have occurred. In particular they have occurred in Latin America, Africa, Cyprus, Chili and Argentina tens of thousands of "disappearances" have occurred. In all the countries where this practice occurs there are some common elements. It is carried out by military and fascist regimes. They abduct the dissident and then the dissident mysteriously "disappears". This practice has been used for many decades. This practice has been used for many decades. The most systematic record of it occurred under the Nazi regime. According to a decree by the Gestapo entitled "Fog and shadow" it was carried out in a systematic and conscious way and was aimed at dissidents. Their aim was twofold. Individuals who have "disappeared", without trace of a corpse cannot be represented as heroes or martyrs. Secondly, they try to obtain confessions from the person who has been taken, and those who had any links with the person live in a state of suspicion and fear as they do not know if they have been identified or not. So the overall goal is to create suspicion and fear in society and to prevent the creation of heroes.

When the Turkish State began to use this method and the of "disappearances"

Between 1970 and 1990 this kind of event was very rare. In 1990 it started to occur and increased markedly by 1992. The number of incidents reached a peak in 1995. According to the Human Rights Association between 1980 and 1990, there were 10 cases reported (Many cases also go unreported). In 1991 there were 3 cases, 1992 - 8 cases, 1993 - 12 cases, 1994 - 299 applications processed. According to our own research which is founded on human rights sources and newspapers the numbers are as follows: 1980 (1), 1981 (1), 1991 (4), 1991 (5), 1993 (32), 1994 (151), 1995 (98), and in the first six months of 1996 (15). In total more than 300 people have "disappeared" because of political reasons.

Why are the real numbers of the "disappeared" not known?

There are many reasons for this. First, there are many laws and decrees which prevent one from searching for the "disappeared". Neither the police, nor the prosecutor keeps any record of the arrest, because if there are any records kept then there is a possibility that, at a later time, the records may come to light and the Police and Prosecutor could then be charged. Within the Turkish police, culture, there is an unwritten policy not to keep records of arrests. Even if they did record this kind of information, under no circumstances would it be given to the Press or the Public. When people are first arrested, in some cases the police decide straight away that they should "disappear" and hence no records are taken. In some cases this decision is not made until the person has been in custody for a longer period. In the latter case, the file with all the prisoners records is then destroyed. For people applying to find out about those who have "disappeared", there is only the Human Rights Association. Some of the relatives of the "disappearances" and they fear reprisals if they apply. Some of them are completely helpless. An example of such a case is as follows: On the 16th of August 1994, Ibrahim Kartay (30) was abducted from the village of Huri (Gomec) by soldiers from the Hani Gendarme post. He was taken into custody and since this date nobody has received any information about the case. No legal organisation has any records about him, whatsoever. This case was publicised in a newspaper this summer. There are numerous cases of this kind. Hence it is difficult to bring to light the true number of victims of this practice.
95% of the "disappearances" are in Kurdistan
All of those who "disappear", in Kurdistan are of Kurdish ethnicity. Of the 5% of cases that occur in Turkey 90% of these Kurds. They "disappear" because they are advocating for their people's national rights. The authorities are consciously trying to implement their political goal of dispersing the national liberation movement of Kurdistan. Many of those who are abducted do not have a connection with any organisation, but they are patriots. Possibly, they are suspected of having supported guerrillas. They may have relatives that have joined the guerrillas or they may refused to join the village guard system. I am not implying that the State only abducts people who are members of organisations but they are priorities for them. Reasons for carrying out this practice are: to cause the evacuation of an area or village, because of racist feelings, as a counter attack against guerrilla operations, simply because they hate Kurdish people or just for the sheer "delight" of abducting and killing people. This is the reality regarding the practice of "disappearances". I am giving this information so that it is easier to understand the cases described later. As human beings we should oppose this practice no matter what the abducted persons political beliefs, identity, nationality or ethnicity are. If one is to understand the reasons for this practice in Turkey, one must consider the dimensions of the political background and the popular mass uprisings against the State. After 1990, mass protests and actions started in Kurdistan. Kurds began to establish their own public institutions and organisations. The Turkish regime tried to prevent this by the use of prohibition, armed operations, the burning of villages, bombing Kurdish cities and extra judicial killings. So it can be seen that "disappearances" was but one of the methods that has been used by the State. It has been a well organised method, which is now commonly being carried out by contra - guerrillas.

How did this practice spread all over Turkey?
The reason why this practice has spread all over Turkey is clear. The Kurds have been forced to leave their land in masses. The state managed to deport masses of Kurds but did not succeed in making them silent about their demands. With the forced mass exodus of Kurds to the west of Turkey the national liberation struggle of the Kurds was also imported to the west. Together with this development, the State started using the methods of the contra-guerrilla and the "disappearance".

How they carry out the abductions

Firstly, I wish to ask a question. Have you ever had a relative or friend abducted or simply "disappear" without trace? Lets say that someone has reported you to the police as having committed a "crime". In a state based on rule of law there is the court system. Police come to your address with the correct warrant issued by the courts. They invite you to go down to the police station. If you are a dangerous person they take appropriate measures. They are obliged to give information to your relatives and Lawyer.
For the Turkish police, prosecutors and judges these procedures are irrelevant and unimportant. The police, army or special team simply turn up at the home of anyone and arrest them. Or worse than this, they turn up on the road in civilian clothing, as people are on their way home from work or going to work ad abduct them. They could be members of JITEM (the Gendarme Intelligence Branch), religious fundamentalists-(e.g.: "Hizbolllah" - a state set up cover terror organisation), deserters (i.e.: Kurds who have decided to defect and work for the State) or village guards.

If we investigate closely the circumstances surrounding the abduction, it is clear that it is the State's special units carrying out these practices and that the methods are similar in each case. They will have known the person that is abducted for a long time before they carry out the action. The person is followed, a trap is set and the person is arrested on the road or at home. In 1994 in the areas around Diyarbakir, the abductions were of a completely different nature. During the spring of 1994, extensive military operations occurred with the aim of forcibly evacuating people from their villages. They would summons the villagers into a confined place and then kill them.

They continued this process of ethnic cleansing by targeting some individuals and causing their "disappearance". Commandos brought from Kaiser and Bolu (Turkish cities) took part in the operations. These people, who hate anyone that identifies themselves as Kurdish, treated the villagers like wild animals. They displayed the corpses of the villagers on the television, falsely claiming that they were PKK guerrillas. They even killed blind children. This was all done by so called "ordinary" soldiers.

The other method that the State used was to use the contra-guerrilla organisation "Hizbollah" to carry out the "disappearances". The "Hiz bollah" committed many murders in the areas where the people has resisted against State policies and practices. The objective was to try and disperse the people's resistances by carrying out numerous "disappearances". The tactic was as follows; in the mass demonstrations, the individuals that were most active were pointed out. These individuals were then taken to court by security personnel in uniform, and on their release from court were abducted by the "Hizbollah" either just outside the court or when they were on their way home.
Sometimes they prepared false court documents stating a person was released when, o the contrary, the person had never been officially detained, but abducted. This person is then delivered directly to the execution team.
The case of Necati Aydin is typical of this kind of method of delivering a detainee to be killed by an execution team. The victim was taken by the execution team to the countryside to identify strategic places for the guerrillas. They claimed that he was running away and that they had to shoot him (the corpse was never shown). The number of occurrences of "disappearances" shows the level of the killing by contra-guerrillas. The purpose of this method of force is to frighten people into passivity and therefore disperse the resistance. It can be effective, but it is dangerous for both the authorities and society in general. If "disappearances" in custody increase and society either ignores this or remains silent about it, it can create a permanent effect.

Who is doing the kidnapping?
According to the State, the kidnappers are unknown people. Either people are vanishing themselves or ghosts are kidnapping them!! But in many of the cases where "disappearances" occur, the methods they use with the corpses (e.g.: burying in unmarked graves) and the testimonies of witnesses clearly demonstrate that these crimes are carried out by teams under the authority of the State. Today even the most uninterested people in Turkey know that the State is organising these crimes. It is no longer a secret that the ones who abduct are official state employees. Some groups are keen however to try and create a clean image of the State claiming that the ones behind these crimes are "underworld persons in the state".

Let me give you the example of a soldier who spoke to the newspapers about the events surrounding the "disappearance" of Ali Tekdag. In Diyarbakir and the surrounding areas, 25 units were carrying out this crime and made it their job to do this. Some units are specialized in this. This does not imply that others in the Turkish security do not also play a role. They are carrying out the murders under the orders of high level authorities, who in some cases actively participate in the event. In the case of Abdullah Canan, the politicians knew every smallest detail.
Examples
Ayhan Uzulay was kidnapped on the 29th of October 1994 in the suburb of Kadikoy, Istanbul. After 20 days in custody they released him. This occurred just after a big strike by different international institutions and Turkey's leftist press. The abduction was carried out by the anti-terror team in Istanbul.
Hasan Ocak was abducted on the 26th of March 1995 from the Aksaray district of Istanbul. His corpse was found on the 2nd of March 1995. The anti-terror team were responsible for the kidnappings of both Ocak and Karakoc.
Turgut Yenisoy was detained by two expert Army Officers named Ahmet and Recep, on the 10th of April 1994 in Bismil. On the 25th of September 1991 Haci Mehmet and Ibrahim Gundem was detained by Kenan Sahin, commander of the Hazro Gendarme post, in the village of Sarierik, Hazro district. They are the unknown names of some of the members of JITEM.
On the 4th of January 1994, Fethi Yildirim was detained in the city of Viransehir by Police Chief Selcuk Ugur, Police officers Osman Karman and Alptekin Kartal. Abdullatif Yagizay was detained in November 1995 in Nusaybin, by police.
The brothers, Servet and Ikram Ipek, were taken into custody on the 18th of May 1994 in the village of Lice by soldiers and village guards who raided their village. Hasan Mehmet Selim and Cezayir Orhan were taken to be guides for soldiers that had raided their village, but they never returned.

Muarrem Tanriverdi and Mehmet Tanriverdi were detained by police and soldiers on the 14th of May 1994, from the village of Dibek in Lice. Mehmet Emin Yilmaz, Hardar Yilmaz, Besir Sayin and Yusuf Ertas were detained on the 15th of October 1995, by Mountain Commandos from the Hakkari Commando Garrison. Tahsin Cayan and Ali Ihsan Cicek were detained by a soldier who raided their village of Dernek in Lice on the 8th of May 1994. Ali Tekdag was abducted by members of JITEM on the 13th of November 1994 from Dagkapi in Diyarbakir. Abdullah Canan was detained on the 17th of January 1996 on a motorway between Yuksekova and Hakkari, by Mehmet Emin Yurdakul from the Yuksekova Mountain Commando Garrison. Huseyin Koku was abducted on the 20th of November 1994 in Elbistan by militants of the fascist MHP ("Grey Wolves") and police, working in co-operation with each other. Nazim Babaoglu, a correspondent from the pro-Kurdish newspaper "Ozgur Gundem" (Free Agenda) was abducted in Siverek, Urfa by village guards (under the control of Sedat Bucak, DYP MP for Urfa). He was abducted on the 12th of March 1994 and delivered to the JITEM. In the years 1993, 1994 and 1995, the fewest number of people from Batman that were kidnapped by the "Hizbollah" in any given year was thirty.

These short examples show that all of the State Security Forces are involved in these kind of crimes. In particular members of the JITEM and police teams are largely responsible for executing these crimes. In some towns if he decision is to kill the victim, then hitmen from the MHP party are used. JITEM is responsible for executing all kidnapping events in Kurdistan's cities and villages. The main headquarters of JITEM is in the Gendarme Garrison of Devegeciti in Diyarbakir. JITEM has special units that co-operate with those that have defected from the Kurdish struggle and, as in the case of Ali Tekdag, the police are also a part of these units. The Mayor for the State of Emergency area, and the Gendarme Security Officer for Diyarbakir are actively involved in the execution of the abductions.

If corpses are found - Extra Judicial Killing
If corpses are not found - "Disappearances"

Cuneyt Aydinlar, born in Diyarbakir, was studying medicine at Marmara University in Istanbul. He was 24 years old when he was detained by the Ant-Terror Police on the 20th of February 1994. He was subjected to torture for 15 days in the Anti-Terror Police Centre at Gaynettepe. On the 2nd of March they took him, in an unconscious state, from his cell telling him "You are going to die. Are you ready for death?". He was not taken to court, but instead to the basement of an apartment in Taksim Ekmekcibasi Cami Street. They (the police) alleged that he planted a bomb in the apartment. The police brought him here to show him to the residents of the apartment but nobody could identify him. Ten minutes later police took him from the apartment, and shots were heard on the street. They shot him from behind in the presence of many people. He was listed on the police registers as being "sought after". His corpse has never been found.

Necati Aydin, the manager of the Medical Union Diyarbakir Branch, was detained, along with some of his relatives, by the Anti-Terror Police in a raid on the house of his relative Hafiz Ay. On the same evening all, with the exceptions of Necati Aydin and Mehmet Ay, were released. On the 4th of April the Prosecutor for the State Security Court said that they had appeared in court and were released. On the 9th of April 1994, three male corpses were found in the Pamuk River. The men were in soil up to their waists, and their hands were tied behind them. They had been shot by a bullet to the head. They didn't have any kind of ID papers on them. Only one had a marriage ring on his finger, and on the ring was the name Suneyla. This was the corpse of Necati Aydin.

Kamil Gundogan was from the village of Riz (Saggoze), in Genc - Bingol. He was 28 years old when he was detained, along with three other people, in Lice Diyarbakir. This was on the 26th of April 1994. Three days later they released him. When Gundogan was going to Diyarbakir on the 29th of April at around 4. 00 pm they took him from the bus terminal in Lice. Kadri Yilmaz was detained by the Anti-Terror Police on the 1st of May 1994 from his home in Diyarbakir. Aydin Tekay (23) from the village of Ceme Elika in Lice District, was detained by soldiers who had raided the village during April 1994. In the middle of May, three corpses were found in the Lice municipal cemetery. The corpses belonged to Kamil Gundogan, Kadri Yilmaz and Aydin Tekin. One had been detained by the political police and the other two by JITEM. But a "secret" hand had brought them all together. The corpse of Kamil Gundogan had been cut into pieces through torture. Three bullets were shot, one to the heart, one to the light eye and the third to the left side after he was dead. The two other victims were also killed by torture and later shot in the head.
Mehmet Ilkkaya from the village of Sisi and Fahri Bulut from the village of Cumare were detained on the 14th of May 1994 in the village of Sisi (Yolcati) in district of Lice. Whilst the Human Rights Association were searching for them, their corpses were found on the 6th of June 1994.

Mehmet Oncul was abducted by a contra-guerrilla team from his home in the village of Tilzeren (Yumurca), Kiziltepe on the 2nd of June 1994. His family put in appeals to all the authorities without any results. The corpses of Oncul and Mehmet Sirin were found riddled with bullets. On yhr 6th of June 1994 from the Kanika village of Kulp, Maksut Ates, Mehmet Ates and Aziz were detained by soldiers. Their corpses were found riddled with bullets near the village. M. Zeki Dogan was taken from the gymnasium in Cukurca on the 7th of July 1994. As he was taken to by force, his watch and shoes fell down. His family is still looking for him. Ismail Zeki, who witnessed the event, explained that the killed him and threw his corpse into the Zap river. On the 10th of June 1994 Selami Cicek was brought to Cizre by security forces for questioning. He was sought for, as a oersib who had "disappeared", but his corpse was later found near the village of Sefate in Silopi. Mustafa Elzik was detained by soldiers from Gundik village of Silvan. The motive behind the detention was to get him to show the secret hiding places of the guerrillas in the countryside. His corpse was found on the 13th of June 1994 under a bridge over the Dicle River, between Batman and Silvan. His corpse was found on the 13th of June 1994 under a bridge over the Dicle River, between Batman and Silvan. The soldiers rejected assertions that he had been taken by them.

On the 19th of September 1994, Mehmet Siddik Etyemez was detained by security forces during a raid on his village Derxust (Dibek) Lice district. Ahmet Ceylan was also detained and they claimed that he was a PKK sympathiser. He was held for a period and then later released. He was then later abducted by contra-guerrilla members, showing police ID, on the 22nd of September 1994 in the Balikcilarbasi district of Diyarbakir. The tortured and shot bodies of the two men were found on the 30th of September 1994, at the 23 km sign of the Ergani Motorway near the Army Garrison called Bilge.

Army forces raided the village of Harababa (Koru), in Nusaybin on the morning of the 1st of December 1994. They detained the villagers Bayram Bal, Hamit Bal and Nurettin Yakut. They were tortured for 15 days at the Mardin Gendarme Garisson. On the 16th of December 1994 they were sent to court in Mardin city. Nurettin Yakup was charged and the other two were released. Some persons of unknowing identity, who were holding cordless phones, presented themselves as police to Hamit and Bayram Bal as they left the court. They took them in a white Renaud car. Their corpses were found on the 20th of December near the village of Yandere Nusaybin. They showed evidence of torture and they had been shot in the head.

Huseyin Koku, the manager of HADEP (People's Democracy Party) in Elbistan was also abducted by persons, with hand phones, who presented themselves as police officers. This occurred on a busy street in Elbistan on the 20th of November 1994. He was shought as a "disappeared" person for 7 months. His corpse was found near Poturge, Malatya on the 27th of April 1995. His head was cut and his corpse was rotting. His wife was only able to identify him by his clothes and a paper that was found in his pocket. Before Huseyin Koku was abducted he had explained to newspapers tha t the police had marked out the houses of patriots and democrats.
The brothers Eyup and Mahir Karabay were detained by men who had police identification. They came in a station car with the registration number 47. They caught the two brothers on the 25th of December 1995. Their relatives applications to the Hakkari Mountain Commando Garrison and the Governer in Cukurca were not accepted. Their "disappearences" was published in a newspaper and by the Human Rights Association. Their murders are "Extra judicial killings".
Hanifi Gurcan was involved in trade. He had gone to Nusaybin on the 9th of January 1996. Nobody had heard from him since. He was sought after as a "dissappearedŁ person. His corpse was found on the road (Silkroad) from Nusaybin close to the Ucyol Gendarme Post on the 14th of January 1996. He had been shot three times in the head. He had previously been detained on three occassions and threatened by the police not to come to Nusaybin.
Yavuz Gulden was involved in Marketing agricultural pecticides. He was driving his car between Diyarbakir and Kulp on the 2nd of May 1996 when he was stopped on the by soldiers and arrested. His corpse was found by the shepherd Mahmut Tanyeli between Kulp and Lice, with two bullet wounds to the head.
Tahir Ozer and Ali Cetinkaya were detained by police in the centre of Siirt on the 2nd of May 1996. Human Rights Associations and the newspapers publicised their case without results. The corpses were found after one week near Malabo village of Baykan.
Every relative of those that have been abducted, lives in the hope that the person will be found alive. We can give hundreds of examples of this. Here we can easily find the connection between extra-judicial killings and "disappearances". If the corpse is found it becomes an "extra-judicial", if it is not found it is a "disappearance". The authorities are consciously choosing who will fall under each category. If they want the corpse to be found they will leave it in a common place. If they do not want the corpse to be found they will bury it in a place that is very difficult to find, so that nobody will discover it. When they leave the corpse in a common place, they want to create a shock and fear in society. They also detain them as a counter attack against the guerrillas, and throw their corpses into common places. Their purpose is clear: to attack those who have supported the guerrillas, or have assisted as semi guerrillas and have refused to become village guards or assist the State in any way. In these cases the murderers are not trying to hide their actions, but exert their power and threaten the public. In cases where where the person who has been abducted is a well known person that could become a problem for the authorities then the corpses are disposed of very carefully. Punishment of the guilty is prohibited
Let's say that the kidnappers are known. Everything is quite clear. Why don't the authorities intervene. The answer lies in the fact that the event continue to take place. The event surrounding Abdullah Canan was widely publicised in the mass media. It was a very special case as compared to the other cases which had gone before. On the 3rd or November 1995, soldiers from the Yuksekova Mountain Commando Garrison raided the village of Bevircan (Karlikoy). They destroyed everything in the houses. Abdullah Canan, who was from this village had tried very hard not to be a target for the military, as one of his cousins was a guerrilla who had been killed in a clash. He was very careful not to irritate the authorities. But he could not accept what had happened to the village and the villagers. Together with his relative Sadi Canan, he put in a legal request to the prosecutor for the raid to be investigated. Following this, the battalion commander Mehmet Emin Yurdakul who was in charge of the raid, summonsed the two and pressured them to take back their application. Sadi Canan agreed to take back his application, on pressure from his relative Esat Canan, a MP for the CHP (Republic People's Party), when Esat Canan (MP) took them to the garrison to show the commander that the two wanted to withdraw their appplication Abdullah Canan refused.
Abdullah Canned planned to renew his gun licence on the morning of the 17th of January 1996. He was driving his car with registration number 34 SDJ 48 from Yuksekova to Hakkari when he reached the area called Pilonk. Soldiers under the command of M. Emin Yurdakul were stopping all cars for inspection. It was the first time soldiers were doing road control in this area. However of all the travellers, they only took Abdullah Canan. They took him to one of the military armoured vehicles.
On the 18th of January his relatives began looking for him. The acting commander of the battalion denied everything and said that they did not know where he was. Mehmet Emin Yurdakul, the actual person in charge of the battalion was not present. Abdullah Canan's vehicle was found near Baskale in the Guzeldere in the Guzeldere area on the 22nd of January.
Canan's relatives, in addition to the application that was made to Esat Canan (MP for CHP) also to many other authorities to find him. They thought of the famous State collaborator and murderer from Mardin, whose code name was Hawar, and real name Kahraman Bilgic. They met with the collaborator in the lobby of the Senler Hotel in Hakkari. Hawar told them that the persons to be killed are given to them and then they carry out the execution. He said that, at that stage, they had not received Abdullah Canan, and he must therefore still be living. He asked them to pay him 20,000 German DM's so he could rescue him alive. After the relatives of Canan did not get any news from the collaborator. They applied to the main Headquarters of JITEM in Devegeciti, Diyarbakir. They met with Ali Kiraz, one of the Officers from the JITEM. He was previously the Officer in Charge of mobile troops, and was the one who had given the order to shell Yuksekova. Ali Kiraz told them "we do centralized work". The officer of that area had used his own discretion and authority. He said that Abdullah was either in Diyarbakir or Elazig. They travelled together to Ankara. They travelled together to Ankara. Kiraz said not to tell anyone that he was alive. He said he would be released in either two or four days after Ramadan.
A day before Ramadan, on the 21st of February, a civilian came to Canan's house, wanting clean clothes and saying that Canan would be released. A day after Ramadan had started a villager from Esendere found his corpse under a bridge on the Esendere road. His frozen corpse had been covered with his coat. His chin was split in half and his face was broken. His eyes had been gouged out and his chest crushed. His ID was pushed inside his chest. Medical examination proved that they had killed him 20-25 days before (or 2 days after his abduction).
The killing of A. Canan caused widespread anger throughout the people in Yuksekova. After the revelations about his death the officer in charge of the operation went on holidays and there was no trace of the informer. The military general staff started a "formal investigation" (to make it appear as though they were busy taking action). A group of MP's from CHP went to the region to try and dampen down the anger of people. But where the responsibility for the crime lay was very clear. Ercan Karakas (MP) and two of his colleagues applied to the Jandarme and received this answer: Canan was not detained by our soldiers. All other authorities to whom applications were written gave exactly the same answer. The management of the army began an inquiry against the MP s who had pointed out that Battalion Commander Memet Emin Yurdakul was guilty of the crime. The MP's prepared a report about the situation in the region, especially about the contra-guerrilla activity. After the publication of the report, on several occassions Mahmut Isik (MP) was threatened over the telephone, that they would kill him.
But at the end of September this year an unexpected devolpment took place in Yuksekova. Kahraman Bilgic, Selim Serdar (the chief of the special teams), three police men and 6 village guards were arrested for blackmail and killing while representing themself as PKK guerrillas. According to the massmeddia Kahraman Bilgic used identification as if he was an officer for two years. The other side to all these events is that the killers, village guards, Special Teams and Officers are co-oprating together in carrying out drug trafficking, blackmail, abduction and extra-judical killings.
I can give more examples. Ali Ihsan Dagli was wounded in the arm, as he was detained after a military raid on Esme (Heybelikonak) village in Silvan on the 14th of April 1995. Together with him many other villagers were also detained... They took Dagli and six other persons in a German made Mercedes vehicle from Esme village to Kurucayir village and then brutally tortured them. Then the General for the Jendarme Security Forces, Hasan Kundakci arrived by a American "Huey" helicopter at the place. He had a M16 automatic gun in his hand and participated in carrying out the torture to extract information. While Ali Ihsan Dagli was being treated by a military nurse, (B.G.) took photographs of him. The photographs were published in the Evrensel Newspaper on the 30th and 31st of October 1995. B.G. said later that Dagli was transported by a helicopter to the JITEM garrisson in Silvan where he was shot on the orders of the assistant officer to Hasan Kundakci. Between the 12th and 13th of July 1995, B.G. met with a delegation from Human Rights Watch and gave them information on the arrest and the killing of Dagli. He told the delegation "Dagli was executed on the orders of Lieutenant Colonel Sabri Dogan. Dogan was appointed, after this act, to the Turkish Embassy in Warsaw as military attache. After the extensive publicity surrounding the case the official response of the State was "Oh, we are looking for him too. We do not know where he is".
Ali Tekdag (36) was abducted by members of JITEM on the 13th of November 1994 in the dagkapi district of Diyarbakir. A lieutenant who was a member of the JITEM team, and who wanted his name to be kept secret, gave information to the newspapers "Evrensel" and "Ozgur Politika" in January 1995. This information will shed light on how many cases are carried out.
"Before he was killed, they brought him to the area that we were responsible for. I learnt his name on the day he died, when he told me that he was Ali Tekdag. He had first been tortured by the Anti-Terror branch in Diyarbakir and then tortured in the police college of the "Uproar" Police. After that he was taken to the Pirinclik Gendarme Forces for futher interrogation. From there he was taken to Ergani. From Ergani he was taken in an armoured personnel carrier to Silvan. When he was brought to the garisson in Silvan, he was very weak and kept on collapsing. His hair and beard were very long and you could smell an offensive odour from 5-6 metres away. At that time I was not in the interrogation team. I was a part of the operation team, but I had a close friend who was a lieutenant in the interrogation team. Ali Tekdag was arrested on information given by defectors (Kurds who work for the State). I believe this was the 80th or 90th day after he was first arrested. During these 80-90 days, he had already spent two months being tortured and interrogated by the police before being brought to the military. He had not given any information to the police. At the garrison he was interrogated by the police before being brought to the military. He had not given any information to the police. At the garrison he was interrogated by the Commander called Boga (Bull). During his interrogation he was told that that he should become an informer for them and infiltrate the PKK. If they did this they would even give him plastic surgery to change his face. The torture continued very intensively. One day they brought a dog which was licking his sexual organ. After he had an erection they burnt plastic on it. Then they smashed one of his testicles. He pleaded withthem to kill him. Then they hung him from the ceiling and raped him using a police baton. They applied electric shocks to his testicles... Information about Ali Tekdag was delivered daily to Unal Erkan (Governor of OHAL - State of Emergency Region). After the bleeding, he fainted. They told him to say "How happy I am to be a Turk". They told him to keep repeating this phrase otherwise he would join his brother (who was dead) and he would continue to be beaten on a regular basis. To keep himm alive longer he was given regular injections. He explained that when the police were getting his statement the military doctors were present at all times. The process of torturing the prisoner was dependent on the advice of the military doctors. If they said that the prisoners was able to tolerate more, the torture would continue. When the military doctor said that the prisoner was no longer able to tolerate any more torture, after a period of 120 days, it was finally stopped. Then he was taken away. . .
I was a member of the team which carried out this operation. After the prisoner left the military area, he was taken out and dumped in a rubbish tip. The person in charge of the team and his deputy were police superintendants known by the nicknames "Tumicin" and "Boga" (Bull). At the rubbish tip he was gunned down with a machine gun and his body was riddled with bullets. After he had been killed one of the members of the team said "We should burn his body". They poured petroll oll over his body and set it alight. When it was at the stage of being like coal, they took his bones and other parts that had not been burnt right through and buried them between Silvan and Diyarbakir near a creek and a fallow paddock".
There is more. In the statement by the Lieutenant, but which did not include the Lieutenants name, it explained what had happened to Tekdag. Regular report regarding the stage that the torturing process was at, were also given to the Governor of OHAL (Emergency Region Governorship) Unal Erkan.
In the interrogation room was a wireless which was connected to the widely known "Security Branch Army Commander" - Hasan Kundaci. Kundaci is presently the Army Commander in Charge of operations in Cyprus. According to the statement by the Lieutenant, a government informer, Alaattin Kanat was present when Tekdag was being interrogated. During the interrogation the team commander was "Boga" (Bull). What happened to him after the interrogation? He was praised and promoted to a position in Mardin Brigade (a military unit with a large number of soldiers.)
We can only tell a small part of the story of the relatives of the "disappeared". All their stories have many common threads running through them. The people responsible from the top down to the bottom are all known.
The laws of the police authorities and OHAL and any other laws relating to "disappearances" need to be corrected so that the people concerned about the disappearances of their relatives have a right to appeal to the government.
Let's presume that you are the relative of someone who has disappeared and you actually have the courage to go to the military unit and make enquiries about the disappearance of your relative, you can be sure to receive the standard reply "We don't have anyone like this in our custody". If you suspect that what they have said to you isn't the whole story, it means that you are going to have a lot more headaches. In spite of this, if you still decide to appeal to the prosecutor, the prosecutor will attempt to just fobb you off. If they can't think of anything to say to get rid of you, they may accept your petition and then promptly throw it in the bin once you have left the room. If you decide to still keep on persisting and insist that the prosecutor do something, they must first seek permission from the highest ranking civilian person in the province to start making inquiries. At this stage this high ranking person may not even give permission for inquiries to be made and will have a pre prepared standard statement for the prosecutor to give to the relatives saying that the person was never taken into custody in the first place. If, after all this, you still decide to keep going and start making statements in public asserting that the Government is responsible for the kidnappings, you have to be prepared to risk the consequences of the government being very angry and the distinct possibility that days and months later your body could be found in a hole in the ground rotting and decayed. Still you count yourself as lucky if your body actually gets found.

What can be done? The basic answer to this question is that if we consider ourselves as people that have a fundamental belief and respect for human honour and human dignity all of us are capable of finding some way to help. If you cannot find a single way to help it will mean that all the screams and cries of the people will remain unanswered.
Firstly we must look at the reality of the situation and the mechanisms used in Turkey. From what I have outlined previously, you can understand that in relation to "disappearances" all legal methods totally blocked off. All the legal avenues are set up in a way to prevent people from making enquiries. In practise it's simply not possible to find out anything. Lawyer also know about the situation but they are usually too scared to push the prosecutor. Doors need to be opened so that those who are exposed... Almost all the relatives of the "disappeared" appeal to the OHAL Governor or a Security Superior and to the Police Station. But the "disappearances" have been almost invariably carried out/supported by them. It is like complaining to the murderer for all the murders that have been happening. The prosecutor and the judge are also responsible for the crimes. When the prisoner is taken away from the court room, the prosecutor and judge are aware that the person could easily end up dead (if the prisoner is one that opposes the State), but they remain silent. How can you believe in a legal system like this which fails to have any respect for human dignity. Maybe some fail to speak our through fear.
Politicians are fully aware of what is going on, but all they do is to make a statement from time to time or write a brief report. How can we really talk about justice, human rights and democracy. The amount of fear that the political parties in opposition have (in relation to exposing the real situation) is indescribable. If as a party you are not free to investigate cases of injustice, then you are powerless and finished. This is the reality of the situation for Turkey's political parties. Even worse is the fact that if you criticise and blame the authorities for these injuctices, this only serves to make them angrier and consequently more "disappearances" and abuses inevitable occur. The fundamental problem is that the Security forces and the State are opposed to the Kurdish people, individuals and Turkish revolutionairies and democrats. The kidnappings and disappearances must be understood within this framework. The crimes are national in character and affect all of society.
What remains are the press and the public. The most powerful means to stand up against this hegemony are to use these tools. The crime which will most stir the consciences of people is that of "disappearances". Some press are trying to show as much interest as they are allowed, but as soon as they start carrying out their behind the scenes research and investigation they usually discover that the people involved in the crime are high ranking powerful persons that could inflict severe consequences on the journalist for writing the story. Hence they usually back off from exposing the whole picture. On the other hand there is the press that attempts to manipulate peoples emotions by using a tabloid, sensationalist style.
Even so, it is still very important to inform the public about the guilt of the government political parties and the authorities in relation to the crimes. It is vital that this angle on who is responsible is exposed.
All these policies and practices have an international dimension. Turkey is a part of the Western system. Even though Turkey has such a dreadful record on abuses against humanity it is still receiving support from the West. When the Turkish State is carrying out it's crimes, it uses helicopters and weapons which have mainly come from the USA and Germany. Turkey was accepted into the European Customs Union. Western governments are competing with each other to see who can invest the most in Turkey. On top of all this, the government are basically choosing to turn a blind eye to the gross human rights violations that the Turkish State is carrying out. This situation reminds me of the period in Nazi Germany between 1933 - 1939 when the Western governments were engaged in trade with Germany and had agreements and treaties with them. Therefore this demonstrates that for the West, NATO and members of the European Union their interests are not really in any higher kind of spiritual values about human dignity but are more based on their actual self interests and needs.
Behind all the "disappearances" and abuses that are being perpetrated in Turkey, you can find the baking of the USA. In Latin America, similar kinds of practices finally reached a stage where it came onto the public agenda and became an issue that the society had to addresss. In 1995, some agreements between the countries in the American continent were signed to prevent any further occurrences of "disappearances". The whole background to these events and the people who were actually involved was brought out into the open. Why aren't the mechanisms that can be used by Europe able to force Turkey to come into line with widely accepted human rights standards? Why aren't disappearances investigated? There is a European Human Rights Court but why does it process cases so slowly? AI (Amnesty International) is starting a campaign against the Turkish Regime. This campaign should warn European Parliament there is also a section dealing with human rights and the Kurdish people. This section have records of all the steps which Turkey has been directed to carry out in relation to human rights. Turkey has totally ignored these and has not initiated any actions whatsoever in relation to these steps. Shouldn't Turkey have to suffer the consequences for this lack of action.
In the last few months, some of the Serbian Military Officers have been brought to trail for crimes against humanity, in the Den haag (Hugue?) Court of Justice. We have outlined what the Turkish State has been doing to the Kurdish people. Don't you think that the crimes that Turkey has committed are just as bad, in degree as the crimes against humanity committed in the Bosnian war. Why then hasn't Turkey been brought to stand trial in this same court.
I have previously pointed out the positions held by the people which are guilty of carrying out the sanctioning abuses in Turkey. Which of them have been questioned? Which have been exposed? Which have been expelled from their positions. MP's Generals, Police, Governors, Prosecutors, Village Guards and Judges - all of them have been cleared of any wrongdoing. The people who have stood by and witnessed these abuses are cleared. All statements regarding those that are guilty of crimes and what their crimes are. Has anything been done to bring out into the open the actual numner of disappearances. How much pressure has really been put on the Turkish Government to expose the full extent of the crimes, "disapearances" etc. It is very clear that in the area of human rights two courses of options can be applied.
If the government does not allow the institutions of the mechanisms sut up to investigate violations to freddly carry out their work, they are powerless to really change anything. If other countries neglect to apply pressure about criminal practices carried out by the state and its authorities, in effect they are issuing an invitation for further abuses and "disappearances" to occur and must bear some degree of responsibility for these crimes. As a human being everyone should be free to practice their own religion and language and have their own political beliefs. There are things that you can do and should do, which can result in advances being made.
In Switzerland a series of meetings were held between Kurds, Turks and Swiss people. Every week, in a different town or city they held meetings and set up information booths to raise awareness of the Kurdish issue and to get the issue onto the public agenda. These kind of activities could be arranged. Delegations could be sent to investigate abuses, campaigns to collect donations could be carried out. These kinds of things are quite simple to organise. The most important task is for people to build up the pressure on thier government, to force the Turkish Government into putting into practice their duties and obligations under international law.
One thing I do ask is please do not just read this aricle and leave it. Do not ask yourself what you can do really. Everyone has a language to express themselves, at least a small amount of money and they need to have a conscience also. How can we expect human beings to keep going through these same kinds of dreadful experiences again and agian. People have "disappeared" and their bodies never found. Human being want to live like human beings with the respect and dignity that this implies. Even more than us, these people have shown greater self sacrifice and devotion through the giving of their lives for us.
he Hizbollah's shelters of death
Please stop and just imagine Silvan, Diyarbakir, Kiziltepe, Nusaybin, Mazidagi and Batman. The Goverments paramilitary organisation, Hizbollah has carried out the murders of hundreds of Kurdish patriots. The continuing nature of these murders khas attracted people's attention and is important to discuss. In particular what happened during January 1996 is very important. In 1994 and 1995, 30 Kurdish patriots were kidnapped. Starting on the 11th of January 1996, most of them were gradually released. Which side were the people who carried out the kidnappings on? The Turkish security forces for approximately one year made abdolutely no effort to find any of those who had been kidnapped. Why is it that recently, most of them started to be released? Where are all the other people form Batman who have "disappeared"? One of those kidnapped and then later released was Selattin Yasak, a teacher. His story was widely published in the media. On the 11th of January 1995, he was abducted from the neighbourhood of Ipragaz in Batman and taken to a shelter that was very wide and resemled a pit. (The shelters are usually located in the basement of house). He was held there for one year and for the whole of that year not even one person said a single thing to him. He was unable to wash himself for the whole year also. Only once each day, a cover was opened and he was given a glass of water, a piece of dry bread and one or two olives.
When Yasak was first released he was unable to even recognise his own house. Other persons abducted and later released were Osman Kundes, a council worker branch chief (Date of abduction 6/2/1995), a worker - Sakir Tanrikulu (09/01/1995), a dentist M. Arif Gezici (17/10/1994). Halit Teymur (10/01/1995), head village governor Ahmet Gunbati (15/11/1994) who was abducted on his way to his home in Batman during his entitled military service leave, Halit Aydin (16/02/1995), Hikmet Ciftci and also Burhan Alkas. the experiences that all these people went through where virtually the same. All of these people were kidnapped by the state sponsored Hizbollah.
The following are the names of all the people who were abducted from the town centre and have not been released. Mehmet Emin Kurhan (1993), Ilhan Beyaz (1994), Fesih Avsar (1994), M. Emin Dogru (1994), Yilmaz Gumus (1994), Ahmet Demir (1994), Besir Akbulut (1994), Ismail Agaya (1994), Enver Demir (29/11/1994), Zeynel Kursad (1994), Seyhmus Eroglu (1994), Ihsan Kavak (1995), Resul Celattinoglu (1995), Ibrahim Celik (1995), Edip Celik (1995 ), Iskender and his brother (Surname not known), Haci Isa Gok (1995), Yahya Kar (1995), Abdullah Tan (1995), Mehmet Sakak (1995), Ahmet Akyurek (1995), Ramazan Kapan (1995), Mahmut Demirel (1995), Sadik Ekin (1995, Halil Tunc (1995) and Cengiz Inanc (1995). There is strong suspicion that these people may have been murdered and buried at inidentified sites. There is also a remote possibility that they may have been left in the death shelters to wait for their death.
When these people were released they went to report what had happened to them to the Batman Police Chief Mehmet Emin Korpe, Who announced that they had already started a "big operation" against the Hizbollah. In operations carried out in a town with the neighbourhoods of Camlica and Ipragas, shelters belonging to the Hizbollah were found. However what is interesting to note is that prior to the shelters being found, the houses above them had been evacuated. On top of everything else the police said they were unable to identify who owned the houses and the shelters under the houses.
In spite of these horrific crimes, almost nobody was detained or charged. Even if only a tiny proportion of a countries legal norms and practices restrict people's freedom, it is still a big crime. In the situation described previously the following questions come to mind:
* Why didn't the Hizbollah just kill these people?
* Why did they release some of them ?
* How could nearly 50 people be so easily abducted from the centre of a town in broad daylight?
* How could they be held in the shelters for months and months?
* What were the government and security authorities doing about all the abductions?
* Why didn't the police do anything to try and rescue the persons who were kidnapped?
*Why were those responsible for carrying out the kidnappings set free?
It shouldn't be very difficult to find the answers to these questions. There is the remote possibility that some of the hostages were released because of the operations gainst the Hizbollah that the government was forced into carrying out because of public demand. The much more likely explanation however is that the government was implicated in the "disappearances". The sheer number of those who had disappeared was threatening enough to panic the government into releasing a significant proportion of the hostages. The government was also aiming to deflect any suspicion or criticism against itself by emhasising that the Hizbollah had decided to release it's hostages (ie: implying that the whole operation was planned, organised and carried out purely by the Hizbollah).
It is certain; if the operation had not had the backing and support of the government in the first place, how could so many people have been kidnapped in broad daylight and held in shelters underneath houses in the middle of the city for such a long period of time.
The stories of the disappeared as told by their relatives:
Mehmet Ibrahim Gundem
(Father of Ibrahim Gundem)
We are from the village of Sarierik near Hazro. My son Ibrahim Gundem (46) is married, with nine children. On the 25th of September 1991 at midnight the soldiers form the gendarme station of Hazro raided our village under the command of lieutenant Kenan Sahin, and arrested my son before everyones eyes. They said he would be released the day after but he did not return home. When I went to the military station, lieutenant Kenan Sahin told me that I should go home and he (Sahin) would come to see me the following day. When he came, I showed him the nine children and asked him "who is going to take care of them now"? He responded that he would release him. I made a demand to the prosecutor of the republic. The prosecutor rejected it saying "It constitutes an offence to complain about a lieutenant. He told me I should take it to the lieutenant which I did. He put it in a drawer. We applied to the Diyarbakir Regiment Commander. The commander told me that he had asked the lieutenant but he had said he was not the one who arrested my son, and he followed with: "It is an offence to say that the lieutenant arrested him. Say that the soldiers did it".
I want my son from the State. If he is dead I want his body. I will keep asking the State for him as long as I live.
Abdulrezak Ipek
Father of Servet (17) and Ikram Ipek (22)
My sons were born in the villag of Istankoy near Kulp. On the 18th of May 1994 at around 11'clock or noon, over 100 soldiers and village guards come to the village of Turalil near Lice. The village has 20 homes. They gathered us all;children, women, elder people, next to the village school. After they encircled us they started to burn the village. At 1.00pm they detained my two sons, four other villagers and left the village. Thirty six of my animals were killed because of the fire. The same day at 5pm they came back to the village and gathered us altogether again. They burnt all the remaining houses, saying "if you had not supported the PKK we would not have done this". We numbered about 100 -150 people. They forced us to walk out of the village. Then from the wireless came an instruction saying "Take all of them out of the village and machine-gun them". One of the officers said to us "If you go back to the village and take anything out of your houses then we shall machine-gun you. From that time I could not return to my village.
I made written applications to the prosecutor, to the Governor of the Emergency Region and Dogan Gures (The then Chief of the General staff of the Army) in Ankara concerning my two sons. From the governor I was told "Whatever your children suffered, they suffered, they suffered. They will not suffer anymore". But later I didn't receive any replies to my applications. Authorities in Ankara enquired to the military battalion of Lice about whether the disappeared were in their hands. The response was "NO".
I have a complaint against the government.
If my sons commited a crime, let this be investigated and let them be punished as it should be. But I want them alive.
Nezlife Yenisoy
Mother of Turgut Yenisoy
Turgut is 25 years old. He was arrested on the night of the 10th of April 1994, from our home. He was forced by the police in the past to work as an informer for them. Turgut is married and has six children. He works at his shop in Ankara St, Bismil. We know those who arrested him the second time; two lieutenants called Ahmet and Recep who were dressed in plain clothes at the time. The door to the yard was closed. They jumped over the wall in order to enter. As it was very hot Turgut was sparsely dressed then. They wanted to take him as he was. With difficulty, we convinced them to allow him to put on his trousers. When I interfered they beat me up. They took him in a white "Toros" brand car. We first applied to the Bismil police. We made applications. Then we applied to the Human Rights Association (IHD) as well as to the commando brigade. The Bismil republic prosecutor told us: "We didn't take your son. Your enemies must have taken him because of a feud". Turgut had previously been threatened by persons called Sadik and Ekrem. His wife had witnessed it also. They would say "We will get you killed by Sergeant's Ahmet and Recep".
We made two applications. One to the governer of Diyarbakir and a second to the State Security Court (DGM). It is said that Turgut's name was observed on the DGM list. The police said he was kidnapped by the PKK. If the PKK really had done it , the soldiers stationed at the prison next to my house, would have came to defend us when I cread out. Later on the police came and asked about my second son. But having seen that he is paralysed, they didn't come back again. Some people saw my son in Kulp. When I was crying in front of the police building of Bismil, a guard policeman said to me: "Go and look for your son in the regiment of Diyarbakir. He is there". Maybe he was making a joke out of me, I don't know.
The wife of my son gave birth to a baby after his arrest. I want my son: dead or live. We heared that in Bismil two bodies were found. I told the prosecutor that I wanted to open the graves to see the bodies. He told me I should make a demand to the court. I am looking after 13 children. For this reason I do jobs like harvesting cotton, etc...
Erdiyan Yagizay
Wife of Abdullatif Yagizay (40)
My husband, Abdullatif is from the village of Kurke near the town of Nusaybin. We moved to Nusaybin in August 1995 because of the oppression we had experienced. In November 1995, when I was baking bread, my children came in screaming "Mama policeman are arresting my father". When I went there I saw my husband being held by people holding wirelesses and weapons. They were plainclothes policeman. They claimed that my husband's identify card was false. My husband said that it was not false. In fact the policeman were asking for Ekrem Yazigay. They said to my husband. "You are Ekrem Yagizay".
They just took him in front of the eyes of me and my children. They put him in a yellow car. My children were crying. We watched the car until it disappeared. The father of Abdullatif made an enquiry at the police station in Nusaybin. He described the car, saying his son was arrested and he wanted to see him. The answer he got from the police was "We do not have a car like that, we didn't take your son, the terrorists must have taken him". After this he insisted saying "If the terrorists take people they do this at dark. The car was yours. you took my son". The police agreed that they had arrested Abdullatif and taken him to the army battalion.
We also went to the Nusaybin Prosecutor. There they told his father " Your son will come next week". Another time they told us that "your son was arrested on the 1st of the month and he was released on the 4th". Another time police came to the village and said to the father in law of Abdullatif that "Your son is in the Diyarbakir prison". After all of this we went to the prosecutor. They told us that Abdullatif was released and he had to appear before court on the 26th of February 1996,
We went to the court in the hope of seeing him because they were hiding him from us. But he did not appear at the court. We sent different letters and lawyer notes to Ankara with reply. I and my 6 children are living in misery.
Raif Orhan
The son of Hasan Orhan
We are from the Caglayan village of Kulp. There was a military operation in the area of our village on the 24th of May 1994. Soldiers came into the village at around 7-8 in the morning. They first burnt the village, then they took my father Hasan Orhan (42), my uncle Mehmet Selim and my nephew Cezayir Orhan with them. Tey (the soldiers) said that they took these 3 persons so that they can show the way to them and they will release them. We believed the soldiers. But my father, uncle and nephew haven't returned since. A person, who was detained at the military post in Kulp and later released, told us he had seen them there. They were taken from Kulp to Lice. They were held there for 40 days. This was told to us by a person who was held with them. They were under torture constantly. At that time my brother Ahmet Orhan was doing military service in Corum. My father had said "Don't you have fear of god. My son is doing military service too, we are not persons against the state". Then the soldiers asked for the phone number of my brother in Corum. My father didn't have it but my nephew had it. The soldiers made a call and it was confirmed. Then they stopped the torturing. We didn't hear anything from them since. After my brother in Corum had heard the news he asked his commander for permission to come home but the commander did not give permission. My brother has sent legal notes to different State institutions, but the legal notes get lost or do not arrive at the address. We made an inquiry to the prosecutors in Kulp and Lice. None of them accepted the arrest.
Adnan Orhan
The son of Mehmet Selim Orhan.
We are a family of 2 sisters and 5 brothers. Together with my mother, grandfather and grandmother were altogether 10 persons. I am the oldest son in our family. I am 14. My grandfather is 95. We sold all our cattle after this incident. We moved to Diyarbakir. We are renting a house. We have spent all the money we got from the cattle. We do not have any money left. I was forced to leave school. I work in making buildings (construction) but I only work when work is available. There are days when I can't find any other work. When I have work I earn 100000 TL ($US 1.00). But we are paying 1.5 million TL. for the rent. The money I earn is not enough for my family. We are in need of our father. We want him to be returned.
Bahri Cingoz
The father of Ahmet Cingoz
We are from Lice. My son Ahmet Cingoz (23) was selling tobacco in Istanbul. He was out of tobacco and came to Diyarbakir to get new supplies. On the 7th of June 1995 he went with his friend Ahmet Aksu (30) to a tea garden in the Dagkapi neighbourhood. They were arrested there by two policeman in civil clothes. A villager from our village was also there. He witnessed the arrest. They were taken in a Beige Toros car. My son had asked the man "Who are you, can I see your ID card?" My son did not have any criminal records or any illegal record. We gave a legal note to the Governor for the Emergency Region (OHAL) and to the Governor of Diyarbakir. We did not get any reply. Since then we have not had any news from my son and his friend Ahmet Aksu. I want to see my son whether he is dead or alive.
Suleyman Yildirim
Father of Fethi Yildirim
My brother Fethi Yildirim (32) was a member of the Management Committee of DEP (Democracy Party) in Viransehir. Together with his friends Ali Kuran and Lami Kaplancilar he visited the house of Abdo Mutlu on 4 January 1994 at 6.30 pm. The police raided the house. Police Chief Selcuk Ugur, police officer Osman Karman and Alptekin Kartal, with some other persons from JITEM (Gendarme Intelligence Service) or the Contra-Guerrilla blindfolded my brother and his friend and put them in a car. They took the blindfolds off at 10.00pm and forced them to sign a paper. When the blindford of Fethi's friends were taken off they saw that he was not there. The friends of my brother which were arrested with him told this to us after their release. We gave a legal note on the 5th of January to the prosecutor of the republic of Viransehir. The prosecutor sent me to the police chief. The police chief told me "You will hear more on Monday from the prosecutor". The prosecutor told me that my brother was not arrested but he was sought by the police. I asked the reason why they wanted my brother. The prosecutor said "Your brother is a member of the KUM". "What is the KUM?" I asked. I was told the KUM was the Kurdistan National Parliament. I have applied to all the official institutions. After this we made an inquiry to the Republic Prosecutor and claimed that the ones who had kidnapped my brother were guilty.
I went to the prosecutor. The prosecutor told me that he had suspended the duties of the accused ones and that he had sent the file to the municipality delegate of the own. The prosecutor said "It has nothing more to do with me, ask them". I took the official article and went to the Governor (Kaymakam). The Kaymakam told me "Do I have to find your brother. Get out?" I am still searching for my brother. I have made all kinds of applications. I have documents in my hand and witnesses. Although I have these nothing is done.
Kiymet Tosun
The sister of Fehmi Tosun
We are living in the Calindir village of Lice. My brohter had been in Istanbul for 1 year. He was forced into a white car by policeman in civilian clothing on the 19th of October 1995 at 7.00pm and kidnapped. The policeman had Walkie Talkie's in their hands. My brother was married with 5 children. We made inquiries at the Avcilar police station but got no answer. I have 7 children. My husband died 4 years passed. Now they have kidnapped my brother. I will do everything to find my brother.
Kiymet Tanriverdi
The mother of Muharrem and Mehmet Tanriverdi.
We are from the Dibek village of Lice. My sons Muharrem 20 and Mehmet 25. Mehmet had done military service in North Cyprus - Cyprus under Turkish occupation and was the father of four. The police and soldiers raided our house on the 14th of May 1994 arresting my sons Muharrem, Mehmet, Ali, Mahruz Tanriverdi and our relative Tarik. Mahruz was released after 3 days. Ali and Tarik were released 5 days later. Muharrem and Mehmet were not released. The soldiers promised to help if we brought them tobacco. Mahruz took them tobacco. They asked him "For whom did you bring this tobacco?" He said "I brought it for commander Erdal". But although they promised to help they didn't. I made an inquiry to the commander of the batallion. He said "They didn't come to us." I returned back to the military post. I said to them "You have mislead me. They are not at the batallion." Then they sent me to the Police Headquarters. At the Headquarters they told me my sons were not there. Then I returned once again to the military post. I said to them "You have mislead me. They are not at the batallion." Then they sent me to the Police Headquarters. At the Headquarters kthey told me my sons were not there. Then I returned once again to the military post begging and praying. Then they said "Aunty, they took them to Diyarbakir." I gave a legal note to the military headquarters at Lice. I do not remember to whom I gave it. But when I asked for a note of confirmationa that they had my legal note they gave it to me. At the military Headquarters in Lice I was told that soldiers that had come from Bolu for an operation had taken my sons with them. They couldn't tell me if my sons were alive or not but if anything had happened it would have been the soldiers from Bolu who had done it. Then a letter came from the military post. Muharrem was called for a medical check for military service. Since Muharrem was net there they took his brother Ali. They asked all about Muharrem when he said "I doesn't know where he is", they torutred him. Ali tells them that they were arrested and he was released but his brothers were not. They ask Ali what his brothers are doing for a living. Ali tells them that "Muharrem is a shepherd and Mehmet is selling clothes". They released Ali but arrested him three times again. At one of these arrests I saw Ali held in the hand by the police on the street. "I will also come" I said. They took me and my son Ali in the car. "Where are you taking us?"I asked on the way. They didn't answer. They took us to the Police Headquarters. They always asked us about Muharrem. Then we explained to them "I gave to them my sons alive and want to have them back alive. If they are quilty then they should be sentenced. But I want my sons back alive."
Seyran Algan
The mother of Bedri Algan
We are from the Goman village of Hazro. My son, Bedri Algan started a coffe shop in the Yoghurt Pazari neighbourhood of Diyarbakir in August 1995. One person called Olcay was shot and injured near the coffee shop. Bedri was taken after this incident from the coffee shop and left beaten up. He was taken two hours later and released. They took Bedri again at 10.30pm on the same day. Five more persons were arrested together with him. Their names are Ali Gunbay, Seyfettin Gunbay, Garip Eker, Ferit Akcay and a person named Mesut. Five or six days later all were released by the DGM (Government Security Court) except Bedri Algan. I asked the ones who were released "Where is Bedri" I do not know where this man is". I went many times to give a note. The prosecutor did not take the note to the police headquarters of Diyarbakir. They said there "We released him, maybe the village guards took khim or maybe he went to the mountains. We do not know." Seventeen days after the disappearance of Bedri Olcay, the one who was the reason for the arrest of Bedri, came to our house saying he had good news. He said "Bedri is released. He is now receiving medical treatment". We gave a suit to Olcay to give to Bedri. We didn't see Olcay again. It was said that Olcay was an agent of the State. I want my son from the State. I want him alive. I do not care how but they have to find him and give him back to us.
Musline Fidan
The wife of Sinan Fidan
We are from the Sahlat village of Kocakoy province Diyarbakir. Our village was burnt earlier during a military operation. This is why we moved to Diyarbakir. But then we returned back to our village to work. The soldiers raided the village on the 6th of June 1994. My husband Sinan Fidan was injured in the leg. He ran away injured. They located him after three days. A friend of my husband wanted to take him to Diyarbakir for treatment. But my husband said he didn't want to go. He said "They will understand my injury is from a hand grenade. They might think I am a terrorist and arrest me". They brought a doctor from Diyarbakir for treatment. When they were going to enter the house they got informed about an operation. My husband got arrested there. They released the doctor but they arrested my husband and the owner of the house. The owner of the house was released 25 days later. I went to see the owner of the house to get information about the situation of husband. At first he was afraid to talk to me. Then he said "I saw your husband for two days. After that I was blindfolded. I knew it was him because of his wounded knee. I do not know what they did to him later or where they took him". Because I didn't know anybody in the government I couldn't apply anywhere. I made an application to IHD (Human Rights Association) one year later. I gave a legal note to the DGM (State Security Court ). The prosecutor took the note from my hand, got angry and said "We didn't take your husband. Go and ask the PKK, they must have taken him." I said to him "You accept my note". The prosecutor made a telephone call after this, spoke and then said to me "Fuck off, look for your husband somewhere else". I have four daughters. We earn our living ourselves. We work in the cotton fields. Whether my husband is dead or alive we want him back. If he is dead then they should show us his grave. We will also accept his bones. I accuse the state. I will look for him as long as I live. Wherever I go I will look for him. I will do everything necessary. I will continue my struggle. I will only stop when I die.
Asiye Aydemir
Mother of Huseyin Aydemir.
We are from the Yaprak village of Lice. My son Huseyin was forty years old. He was married and had five children. He was living in the Esenyurt district of Istanbul. He was renting a house and the landlord told him he had to move out. My son was looking for a house to rent. He left home to find a new house to rent. We haven't heard from him since. People saw him, together with police at the Esentepe bus terminal. They said his hands were hand cuffed. I and his father left for Istanbul after we heard this. We made an investigation for months. My husband made applications everywhere. At the police station they told him "We took him to Ankara". So we went to Ankara. The police agreed that they had taken my son from Istanbul to Ankara. They said "After this the army took him from us." Huseyin is my only son. I want news about him whether he is dead or alive. I accuse the State and make complaint.
Erdal Demiray
Brother of Ahmet Demiray
Ahmet Demiray was 29 years old. He was confronted by village guards on the 22nd of April 1994 in Seyrantepe village of Diyarbakir. We had had a problem with the village guard about water. This is why there had been a discussion between my brother and the village guards. The police saw the discussion and intervened. One village guard whispered something in the ear of the policeman. Then the police gave him over to the village guards telling them "He is yours, take him". We did not know this at the time. They came to the village 4 - 5 days later and told my uncle "we have taken your nephew. You have to leave this village, otherwise we will also kill you." My uncle came to Diyarbakir and informed us about this. My father with the help of someone else, made a call to a Director in Ankara. We learnt that soldiers from Kocakoy had taken my brother from the village guards in Geyiksu village and had taken him to Diyarbakir. We gave a legal note to the DGM (State Security Court) of Diyarbakir saying that we were concerned about my brothers life. They accepted our note. They said "Your son has been arrested by Commandership of the Diyarbakir Gendarme". The head prosecutor told my father "You can go, your son will appear in the court after two weeks. Then you can see him".
Two weeks later we received the death report from the Republics Prosecutor office of Lice. The report stated the following: "On the 14th of August 1994 the death of Ahmet Demiray, son of Hasan and Basra, from the village of Dibek in the district of Lice was certified after examination and autopsy. His relatives were living in the district of Hazro, but the owner of the body could not be found; therefore the Regional Public Prosecutors office did not oppose him being buried by the local administration and gave its authorisation". (15/8/1994, the Republics Prosecutor 30886).
My father went to the Public Prosecutor and said "You told us that our son has been arrested and detained you accepted our appeal and told us there would be a trial. Now we received a death report. How is this possible?" The Prosecutor answered " I cannot do anything. He was here, but later on he was transfered elsewhere." But he did not say who took him away. My father went again to the Lice Prosecutor's office. They showed with the file. He was found dead and was buried here. "Don't worry, the corpse is your son" he was told. My father said "If it really is my son, give him to me. I will take the body with me and bury him". They said to my father "If you take the corpse, you will face problems." Then my father came back home and the subject was closed. But some months later rumours came up. Several persons said that they had seen my brother alive in the State Hospital but with a wounded leg. Those who had seen him were too afraid to testify to this. We did not go to the hospital. Even if we had gone there nothing would have changed. In such cases the treatment is being carried out secretly. My elder brother is missing. We want to know if he was healthy. If it is possible we would like to open the grave and carry out the correct legal formalities. We will undertake every necessary step in this respect and continue our proceedings. We will not give up.
The names of the guards who detained my brother are: Habip, Tevfik and Omer Ekti from the village Geyiksirti of the district of Kocakoy. We filed a lawsuit against the guards asking for reparation. The lawsuit is still going on, but the guards said they would lodge a complaint. If I die, they will be responsible for it. Later on I learnt that before my brother was arrested, four guards had run over a landmine and had died. The guards whom I mentioned before thought my brother was responsible for these deaths.
Hatice Aysin
Mother of Mehmet Can Aysin
My son Mehmet Can Aysin is 47 years old. We come from the village Yorulmaz of the Lice district. On the 8th of May 1994, the soldiers of the Security Command of the Lice Military Police Force carried out an operation against our village. All the men of the village, young old, were detained. Two days later most of them were released. However eight people remained in custody. Five of the eight were released on the third day. Since that day have not received any news from my son.
We filed an appeal lwith the DGM (State Security Court) of Diyarbakir. Our appeal lwas rejected. Then we filed an appeal with the Governor of the OHAL region. Our appeal was then transferred to the Security Command of the Military Police of Lice. Their response was that on the specified day no operation against the mentioned village had been performed and that the named persons had not been detained.
My son is the father of seven children. He earned his living as a farmer. After the operation, the whole population of the village was forcibly evacuated and settled in the centre of Diyarbakir. Everybody is without a job. We cannot pay our rent and our electricity bills. We try to survive by helping each other. I accuse the State because my son is innocent. They released the other people, so why did they not release my son as well. My son did not commit any crime. He did not offend anyone. Until now, he did not have any problem with the State. Anyway they have not mentioned any accusation against our son. I want my son, whether dead or alive.
Kadime Haran
The mother of Ihsan Haran
We come from the village of Arikli in the district of Lice. My son was 25 years old. He was married and the father of three children. On the 1st of January, he was arrested in the street where the "Ofis area" is located in Diyarbakir. Fahri Hazar, who comes from the same village, saw him being arrested. We went to the Security Forces Headguarters and to the Governor. The security forces asked us to write an appeal. They also asked for a picture of the missing person. We brought them his photograph. The police looked at the photograph and asked where his wife was. I told them that his wife was ill. I told them that I was his mother. The Security Forces said that my son was in the mountains. This is not true. My son never went to the mountains. I made an appeal to the security forces and to the prosecutor. My appeal was not accepted. After Ihsan had been arrested, they arrested my other two sons as well. Later they released the two of them. I demanded the State to give me back my son alive.
Hamsa Cicek
The mother of Tahsin and Ali Ihsan Cicek and grandmother of Cayan Cicek.
We originate from the village of Dernek in the District of Lice. My grandson Cayan Cicek was 15 years old. His father Tahsin Cicek was 47. Cayan's uncle, Ali Ihsan Cicek, was 19 years old. On the 8th of May 1994 there were military operations all over the region. At three o'clock in the night the soldiers came to our village. They came in very large numbers. That night they took my two sons with them. One month later they took away my grandson as well. My grandson is blind. The same night that they captured my two sons they also captured eight other people as well. They were brought to the Commander's Headquarters in Lice. Two days later, the others were released. Only my sons remained in custody. We went to the Military Police Commander's Headquarters. There we were told that they had been transferred to the Central Batallion of Lice. Two months after this event, we received the appeal for my son Ali Ihsan's conscription to the army. I went to the military headquarters of Lice. They said that my son was a prisoner. As I explained my problems to them, they sent me to the Prosecutor. At the Prosecutor's office, I was sent back to the Military Headquarters again.
Wherever we went, some said "Yes, your son has been detained" and other said "N". According to the accounts of the eight people who had been detained with my sons, when they were released they all received their identity cards back. They gave my sons identity cards as well, but later on my sons were separated from them. They said "From what they were wearing we thought that they would be released as well. They were sitting there wearing their jackets and normal clothes."
My sons and my grandson are innocent. I want to know what they have done to them. My grandson was captured during an operation. They were performing an operation every week and always forced some people to go with them. I said to the Commander "My grandson is blind. What is his crime? What do you want from him?" The Commander said "We have noted that he is blind. He will come back".
My son Tahsin has seven children. Three of them are disabled and blind. Together with his wife we are ten people. I cannot look after the whole family by myself. I am 65 years old. How can I cope with this situation? They should tell me where they are and if they are alive or dead. I lodge a complaint against the State.
HaticeTekdag
Wife of Ali Tekdag
We are from Kucukkadikoy, Diyarbakir. My husband, Ali Tekdag was 36 years old. Before he was abducted, my husband had been arrested 18 times. The Police used to set up a guard post in front of our home. They continually harassed us when we came home. He said that the police that the police had suggested to him "Come with us. We will give you the means to do the business you want".
On the 13th of November 1994, we left our house in Diyarbakir together. We went to the area of Dagkapi, in front of the bank "Sekerbank". My husband told me to "Just wait 5 minutes for me. I have something to do. I will come back straight away." I waited for him for 15 minutes, then he came. He passed by me without stopping, pretending he didn't know me. I followed him and called out "Ali". With his hand he gave me a signal telling me to go. Three to four men in civilian clothing were walking behind him. These men had wirelesses. radios and big gunds in their hands.
When my husband was about to turn a corner he started running. The civil police behild him fired shots. My husband threw himself to the ground and then the police caught him. They took his jacket off and wound it around his head so that he coudn't see. They pushed him into the nearest building. After 10 minutes a white minicab came. They got into the cab and drove towards the Rapid Deployement Forces' Headquarters. Whilst all these events were happening, there were soldiers and a traffic police officer in front of the bank. Although shots were being fired, none of them intervened... The next day I filed an appeal at the DGM's Prosecutor Office. I was told there. "The event has occurred recently. Come back after one week." I did not wait for a week, but went back three days later. After that I brought them an appeal every day. After about two months the police guard at the door got so annoyed by the fact that I came everyday that he took me to the Prosecutor. The Prosecutor told me that he needed a witness. I told him "I am the witness". He asked my daughter and I to leave the office. He made a telephone call, then called us back in. He said "I called. He is not with us".
Seyfettin Demir, who was in prison in Diyarbakir said in a statement that was published in the newspaper "Ozgur Politika" (Free Politics):
I was detained together with Ali Tekdag. Ali "They will kill me. Tell my family".
After this we went once more to the Prosecutor. He said that they only had the file of Seyfettin Demir. but none Ali Tekdag. When I left, they asked for my address and told me to come back later. Since then I have not received any information. I appealed to the IHD (Human Rights Association) and to Amnesty International. I want Ali back, dead or alive. If he is dead I ask for his body.
People who have disappeared under custody by Security Forces.
*Huseyin Morsumbul, 18 September 1980, Bingol.
* Nurettin Yedigol, April 1981, Istanbul.
1991
*Yusuf Eristi, 14 March, Istanbul.
*Suleyman Atalan, 16 September, Midyat, Budakli village.
*Ibrahim Gundem (46), Hazro, Sarierik village.
*Huseyin Toraman, October 27, Istanbul, Kocamustafapasa disrict.
1992
*Huseyin Yaman (22), May 4, Istanbul.
*Soner Gul (22), May 4, Istanbul.
*Mehmet Ertak, August 22, Sirnak.
*Ayhan Efeoglu, October 6, Istanbul.
*Namik Erek (30), January 19, Mersin.
1993
*Ibrahim Akil, Hikmet Simsek, Salih Demirhan, Hamdi Simsek, Halit Ozdemir, Semdin Culaz, June 14, Sirnak, Gorumlu village.
*Enver Ozmen, June, Hizan , Sirmacek village.
*Aysel Malkac, August 7, Istanbul.
* Abdulvahap Timurtas, August 14, Silopi.
* M. Sah Atala, Hasan Avar, Nurettin Yerlikaya, Behcet Tutus, Salih Akdeniz, Umit Tas, Bahri Simsek, Serif Avar, Turan Demir, Abdi Yamuk, Celil Aydogdu, October 9, Kulp, Gundik Hamlet.
*Bahri Kaganaslan, November 10m Diyarbakir, Baroglu village.
*Sevket Gergec (DEP member), November 11, Viransehir.
*Ahmet Cakici, November 28, Hazro, Catlibahce village.
*Huseyin Taskaya, December 6, Siverek.
* Huseyin Karali (DEP official), December 6, Viransehir.
*Ahmet Kalper (DEP member), December 6, Siverek.
*Faik Kevci, December 9, Viransehir.
*Uzeyir Kurt, December 24, Bismil.
*Mehmet Emin Kurhan, Batman
*Ebedin Yasli, Hazro.
*Ahmet Sahin, Hazro.
*Murat Aslan, Diyarbakir.
*Feyzi Okutan, Hazro, Helhel village.
1994
*Ihsan Yazici, Janaury 4, Viransehir.
*Ali Efeoglu, January 5, Istanbul.
*Aziz Alptekin, January, Midyat, Dalina village.
*Seyfettin Isik and Ahmet Isik, January, Bitlis, Korcan village.
*Huseyin Ugurlu, January, Mus.
*Sevki Seker and M. Ali Seker, January, Hasankeyf.
*Hasan Baykara, Iskan Aslan, Kemal Mubariz, Guri Ozel, Ibrahim Adak, Halil Gurel, Ali Karagoz, February, Cizre.
*Hasan Kiraz, Hasan Sonzamanci, Mustafa Beysu, Memis Haligur, 1 February, Pazarcik, Cimikanli village.
*Yusuf Tunc, Febraury 9, Kiziltepe, Kengerli village.
*Tekin Pusa and Ali Cengiz, February 11, Kulp, Asur village.
*Nihat Gazan, Yuksekova.
*Selami Oruc, Tatvan.
*Halil Akkaynak and Mahmut Yildiz, Cizre.
*Medeni Bican, Ali Katar, Seyfettin Gurel, February 11, Silvan, Alibeykoy.
*Mehmet Akdeniz, February 20, Kulp, Gerger (Karaorman) village.
*Suleyman Dogan, February 21 Elbistan Ambar village.
*Habib Yapistiran, Derik.
*Ramazan and Cemile Sarli, March 2, Tatvan, Vanik village.
*Nazim Babaoglu, March 12, Siverek.
*Zeki and Ridvan Ekinci, March 21, Mersin.
*Zeynep Kursep, March 23, Batman.
*A. Kerim Pusat, March 29, Cizre.
*Ibrahim Gozetir, Mehmet Gozetir, Selahattin Gosteren, Vahap Gosteren, Seffettin Gosteren, Ilhan Aksi, Nuri Aksi, Sevim Aksi, Mehmet Ekti, March 29, Silvan, Hacica (Karacalar) village.
*Kazim Sagin, April 2, Semdinli.
*A. Rahim Akman, April 4, Cizre.
*Ali and Salih Kilic, April 19, Guclukonak, Sehrikan village.
*Ahmet Demiray, April 22, Diyarbakir.
*Salih, Huseyin, M. Tahir and Cemil Kara, April 25, Uludere, Hilal village.
*Mahmut Okmen, May 6.
*Mehmet Can Aysin, Lice, Yorulmaz village.
*Ahmet Tekin, May 9, Lice.
*Servet and Ikram Ipek, May 18, Lice, Tureli village.
*Tahsin, Cayan, and Ali Ihsan Cicek, May 8, Lice, Dernek village.
*Muharrem and Mehmet Tanriverdi, May 14, Lice Dibek village.
*Mehmet Sirin Calik, May 15, Diyarbakir.
*Salih Calik, May 17, Diyarbakir.
*Metin Yilgin, May 17, Diyarbakir.
*Kasim Alpsoy, May 18, Adana.
*Seyithan Yolur, May 18, Diyarbakir.
*Mustafa, Ekrem, Fahri, Ramazan and Mehmet Ali Bulut, May 18, Lice, Toreli village.
*Zeki Ercan Diril and Ilyas Edip Diril, May 19, Beytussebap, Uzungecit (Derhine) village.
*Hasan, Mehmet Selim and Cezayir Orhan, May 24, Kulp, Caglayan village.
*Ismail Agaya, May 29, Batman.
*Sinan Fidan, June 6, Diyarbakir, Saklat koyu.
*Abdulvahap Ates, June 13, Kiziltepe, Celbira (Kirkkuyu) village.
*Halil Ciftci, Haziran.
*Recai Aydin, July 2, Cinar.
*Abdulgani Dag, July 23, Nusaybin, Akarsu village.
*Mustafa Gunkan, Hazro.
*N. Hikmet Aksahin and Mehmet Elkiran, August 5, Lice.
*Cemil Erdogan, August 10, Kiziltepe.
*Yusuf Ceylan, August 15, Savur, Mamika (Yaylayan) village.
*Mehmet Turgay, August 15, Tarsus.
*Ibrahim Kartay, August 16, Hani, Huri (Gomec) village.
*Hasan Halmert, September 10, Idil, Cerehe (Ivanli) village.
*Mehmet Yasar, July, Yuksekova.
*Mahmut Pusur, July, Siverek.
*Zeki Dag, September 5, Diyarbakir.
*Lutfiye Kacar, September 5, Izmit.
*Izettin Algul, September 19, Kurtalan, Tutun village.
*Fidan Gungor and Sabahattin Talayhan, September, Istanbul.
*Kenan Bilgin, September 12, Ankara.
*Nazim Gulmez, Muslum Aydin, Adnan Seker, Ahmet Kiran, Ahmet Akbas, Ibrahim Gencer, September-October, Dersim (Tunceli).
*Turgut Yenisoy, October 4, Bismil.
*Ali Tekdag, November 13, Diyarbakir.
*Ahmet Yetisen, November 14, Batman.
*Ilhan Beyaz, Fesih Avsar, M. Emin Dogru, Yilmaz Gulmus, Ahmet Demir, Besir Akbulut, Zeynel Kursad, Seyhmus Eroglu, Batman.
*Abdulselam Sahin, November 27, Yuksekova, Mure (Yilmazlar) village.
*Eyup Yasar, November 29, Yuksekova.
*Abdullah Efeli, December 15, Cizre.
*Abdullah Tekin and Ahmet Ogun, December 15, Idil, Sulak village.
*Yilmaz Ozdemir, December 17, Batman.
*Ilhan Dilmen, December 18, Nusaybin.
*M. Ali Turan, December 29, Kiziltepe, Heyseri (Dikmen) village.
*Veysi Karagul, December 24, Mersin.
*Abdullah Huseyin, Salih Aksoy, Derik.
*Abdulvahap and Mahmut Gocer, Erzurum.
*Abdullah Piskin, Eruh.
*Sinan Ozkaya, Diyarbakir, Kocakoy.
*Mahmut Akdeniz, Kutsi Adiguzel, Mirze Ates, Ahmet Baytar, Hikmet Sahin, Mehmet Elkiran, Mahmut Ozer and Ahmet Ozdemir, Diyarbakir, Kulp.
*Piro Ay, Mardin, Derik.
*Suheyla Karakaya, Sakir Oner and Recep Celik, Lice.
*Eyup Akdemir, Hasan Selim, Mehmet Selim, Ali Bekir, Naci Said and Nejat Celebi, Diyarbakir.
*Abdurrahman Coskun, Diyarbakir.
1995
*Ihsan Haran, 1st of January Lice-Arikli village.
*Ahmet Celik, 1st of January Elazig.
*Ilhan Celik, 1st of January Siirt.
*Nihat Aydogan, 2nd of January Midyat -Mizizex (Dogancay) village.
*Sabri Elcay, 5th of January Kozluk.
*Selahattin Aydogan, 6th of January Mersin.
*Bahri and Umut Kaya 7th of January Diyarbakir.
*Mehmet Guzel, 9th of January Ergani.
*Suleyman and Abdurrahman Abak, 10th of January Mardin.
*Mahsum Kanas, 12th of January Mersin.
*Kenan Demir, 12th of January Kurtalan.
*Suphi Turkmen, Ramazan Demirtas and H. Sait Kaya, 14th of January Adana. *Abdullah Yagli, 19th of January Kozluk.
*Bedri Algan, 25th of January Diyarbakir.
*Hakan Durmaz, 5th of February Hatay-Dortyol. *Celal Yildirim, February Bismil.
*Mehmet Yildizbakan, 6th of February Hatay-Dortyol.
*Muhittin Olmaz, February Bismil.
*Zubeyir, Kemal, A. Baki Birlik and Zeki Alabayik 29th March Kiziltepe.
*Ali Ihsan Dagli, 14th of April Silvan.
*Nezir Tekci, 24th of April Yuksekova-Mitirbane village.
*Abdullah Akin, 3rd of May Adana.
*Abdulaziz Turan, Mardin-Karuke (Yavrukoy) village.
* Omer Sogut, 10th of May Lice-Derxust (Dibek) village.
*Hatice Simsek, 11th of May Savur.
*M. Emin Kizilsu, 3rd of June Diyarbakir.
*Imam Uzun and Huseyin Bilen, 5th of June Ovacik.
*Esref Bayram, 7th of June Diyarbakir.
*Ahmet Cingoz and Edip Aksu, 7th of June Diyarbakir.
*Selahattin Ozalp, 8th of June Bismil-Mehmetsirwan village.
*Mehmet Morgul, Ramazan Celik, Mehdin Celik and Huseyin Kaya 26th June Genc-Zengesor (Akcadag) village.
*Ahmet Yaman, 3rd of July Uludere.
*Omer Togcu, 3rd of July Diyarbakir.
*Servet Bayram, 8th of July Hazro.
*Ihsan Yazici, 19th of July Diyarbakir.
*Hidir Goktas, 21st of July Hozat.
*Metin Yildiz, 4th of August Kiziltepe-Site village.
*Makso Agirman, 23rd of August Midyat-Kersave (Baristepe) village.
*Osman Buluttekin, 26th of August Kulp.
*Husnu Cankaya, 25th of August Midyat-Kersave (Baristepe) village.
*Resit Yildiz, 27th of August Nusaybin -Cilesiz village.
*Cemil Aslan, 1st of September Diyarbakir.
*Hamza Guneri, 11th of September Agri.
*Habip Ciftci, 3rd of September Istanbul.
*Mehmet Gulec, 24th of September Cizre.
*Cemil Cicek, 26th of September Omerli.
*N. Nuri Ayta, 2nd of October Hani.
*Kerevan Izmez, 8th October Silopi.
*M. Zafer Demirkiran, 11th October Diyarbakir.
*Besir Sayin, Yusuf Ertas, Mehmet Emin and Haydar Yilmaz 15th October Hakkari.
*Fehmi Tosun, 19th October Istanbul.
*Duzgun Tekin, 21st October Istanbul.
*Abdurrahman Coskun (12), Davud Altunkaynak (12), Nedim Akyon (12), Abdurrahman Olcay (12), Seyhan Dogan and Mehmet Emin Aslan (19), 30th of October Kerboran (Dargecit).
*Abdullatif Yagizay, 1st of November, Nusaybin.
*Izzet Tugal, 19th of November Lice-Cavundur village.
*Uzeyir Kurt, 23rd November Bismil-Agilli village.
*Semsettin Yurtsever, Mihdat Ozeken and Munir Saritas 27th of
November Yuksekova-Agacli village.
*Kamil Bektas, 2nd of December Xirabreski (Yenikoy) village.
*Suleyman Acar, 2nd of December Silopi-Tilqebin (Baskoy) village.
*Resul Aydemir, 12th of December Diyarbakir.
*Yakup Aslan, 17th of December Diyarbakir.
*Isa Aydin, 21st of December Dicle-Cayustu.
*Omer Kartal, Mehmet and Mehmet Emin Findik 30th of December Silopi.
*Ihsan Kavak, Resul Celalettinoglu, Ibrahim Celik, Edip Celik, Iskender, Haci Isa Gok, Yahya Kar, Abdullah Tan, Mehmet Sakak, Ahmet Akyurek, Ramazan Kapan, Mahmut Demirel, Sadik Ekin, Halil Tunc and Cengiz Inanc in Batman.
*Huseyin Aydemir, Istanbul.
*Mustafa Saygin, Diyarbakir.
*Abdurrahman Olcay, Diyarbakir.
*M. Zafer Demirkiran, Diyarbakir.
1996
*Hanifi Yaman, 5th of January Lice.
*Hanifi Gurcan, 9th of January Nusaybin.
*Mustafa Yildirim, Besir Deniz and Alaatin Kilic, 11-13 January Nusaybin-Yolindi village.
*Ferhat Demircan, 25th of January Mardin Senyurt beldesi.
*Ismail Sahin, 17th of January Istanbul.
*Resit Coskun, Nuri Yildirim and Davud Keskin 27th of January Kangal-Yesilyurt village.
*Ayse and M. Aslan, 30th of January Nusaybin.
*Talat Turkoglu, 1st of April Edirne.
*Abdurrahman Celikbilek, 24th of June Diyarbakir.
*Sadik Yilmaz, 19th of June Diyarbakir.



Translated by Kurdistan Information Centre (KIC)
from Turkish original.


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